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to multiplicity of laws: for they do but ensnare | sensible of forms than of matter; and is as far from and entangle the people. I wish rather, that ye should either revive good laws that are fallen and discontinued, or provide against the slack execution of laws which are already in force; or meet with the subtile evasions from laws which time and craft hath undermined, than to make "novas creaturas legum," laws upon a new mould.

The other point, touching laws, is, that ye busy not yourselves too much in private bills, except it be in cases wherein the help and arm of ordinary justice is too short.

For grievances, his majesty hath with great grace and benignity opened himself. Nevertheless, the limitations, which may make up your grievances not to beat the air only, but to sort to a desired effect, are principally two. The one, to use his majesty's term, that ye do not hunt after grievances, such as may seem rather to be stirred here when ye are met, than to have sprung from the desires of the country: ye are to represent the people; ye are not to personate them.

enduring diminution of majesty, as from regarding flattery or vainglory; and a king that understandeth as well the pulse of the hearts of the people, as his own orb. And, therefore, both let your grievances have a decent and reverend form and style; and, to use the words of former parliaments, let them be "tanquam gemitus columbæ," without pique or harshness: and, on the other side, in that ye do for the king, let it have a mark of unity, alacrity, and affection; which will be of this force, that whatsoever ye do in substance, will be doubled in reputation abroad, as in a crystal glass.

For the time, if ever parliament was to be measured by the hour-glass, it is this; in regard of the instant occasion flying away irrecoverably. Therefore, let your speeches in the House be the speeches of counsellors, and not of orators; let your committees tend to despatch, not to dispute; and so marshal the times as the public business, especially the proper business of the parliament, be put first, and private bills be put last, as time shall give leave, or within the spaces of the public.

The other, that ye do not heap up grievances, as if numbers should make a show where the weight is small; or, as if all things amiss, like For the four petitions, his majesty is pleased to Plato's commonwealth, should be remedied at grant them all as liberally as the ancient and true once. It is certain, that the best governments, custom of parliament doth warrant, and with the yea, and the best men, are like the best precious cautions that have ever gone with them; that is stones, wherein every flaw or icicle or grain are to say, That the privilege be not used for defraudseen and noted more than in those that are gene-ing of creditors, and defeating of ordinary justice: rally foul and corrupted.

Therefore contain yourselves within that moderation as may appear to bend rather to the effectual ease of the people, than to a discursive envy, or scandal upon the state.

As for the manner of carriage of parliament business, ye must know, that ye deal with a king that hath been longer king than any of you have been parliament men; and a king that is no less

that liberty of speech turn not into license, but be joined with that gravity and discretion, as may taste of duty and love to your sovereign, reverence to your own assembly, and respect to the matters ye handle that your accesses be at such fit times, as may stand best with his majesty's pleasure and occasions: that mistakings and misunderstandings be rather avoided and prevented, as much as may be, than salved or cleared.

A SPEECH IN PARLIAMENT,

39 OF ELIZABETH,

UPON THE MOTION OF SUBSIDY.

AND please you, Mr. Speaker, I must consider | mixture of this House doth so require it, that in the time which is spent; but yet so, as I must causes of this nature there be some speech and consider also the matter, which is great. This opinion, as well from persons of generality, as great cause was, at the first, so materially and weightily propounded; and after, in such sort persuaded and enforced; and by him that last spake, so much time taken, and yet to good purpose; as I shall speak at a great disadvantage: but, because it hath been always used, and the

by persons of authority, I will say somewhat, and not much: wherein it shall not be fit for me to enter into, or to insist upon secrets, either of her majesty's coffers, or of her council; but my speech must be of a more vulgar nature.

I will not enter, Mr. Speaker, into a laudative

speech of the high and singular benefits, which, by her majesty's most politic and happy government, we receive, thereby to incite you to a retribution; partly, because no breath of man can set them forth worthily; and partly, because, I know, her majesty, in her magnanimity, doth bestow her benefits like her freest patents, "absque aliquo inde reddendo;" not looking for any thing again, if it were in respect only of her particular, ut love and loyalty. Neither will I now, at this time, put the case of this realm of England too precisely; how it standeth with the subject in point of payments to the crown: though I could make it appear by demonstration, what opinion soever be conceived, that never subjects were partakers of greater freedom and ease; and that whether you look abroad into other countries at this present time, or look back to former times in this our own country, we shall find an exceeding difference in matter of taxes; which, now, I reserve to mention; not so much in doubt to acquaint your ears with foreign strains, or to dig up the sepulchres of buried and forgotten impositions, which, in this case, as by way of comparison, it is necessary you understand; but because speech in the House is fit to persuade the general point, and, particularly, is more proper and seasonable for the committee: neither will I make any observation upon her majesty's manner of expending and issuing treasure; being not upon excessive and exorbitant donatives, nor upon sumptuous and unnecessary triumphs, buildings, or like magnificence; but upon the preservation, protection, and honour of the realm: for I dare not scan upon her majesty's actions, which it becometh me rather to admire in silence, than to gloss or discourse upon them, though with never so good a meaning. Sure I am, that the treasure that cometh from you to her majesty, is but as a vapour which riseth from the earth, and gathereth into a cloud, and stayeth not there long; but upon the same earth it falleth again: and what if some drops of this do fall upon France or Flanders? It is like a sweet odour of honour and reputation to our nation throughout the world. But I will only insist upon the natural and inviolate law of preservation.

It is a truth, Mr. Speaker, and a familiar truth, that safety and preservation is to be preferred before benefit or increase, inasmuch as those counsels which tend to preservation, seem to be attended with necessity: whereas those deliberations which tend to benefit, seem only accompanied with persuasion. And it is ever gain and no loss, when at the foot of the account there remains the purchase of safety. The prints of this are everywhere to be found: the patient will ever part with some of his blood to save and clear the rest: the seafaring man will, in a storm, cast over some of his goods to save and assure the rest: the husbandman will afford some foot of

ground for his hedge and ditch, to fortify and defend the rest. Why, Mr. Speaker, the disputer will, if he be wise and cunning, grant somewhat that seemeth to make against him, because he will keep himself within the strength of his opinion, and the better maintain the rest. But this place advertiseth me not to handle the matter in a commonplace. I will now deliver unto you that, which, upon a "probatum est," hath wrought upon myself, knowing your affections to be like mine own. There hath fallen out, since the last parliament, four accidents or occurrents of state; things published and known to you all; by every one whereof, it seemeth to me, in my vulgar understanding, that the danger of this realm is increased: which I speak not by way of apprehending fear, for I know I speak to English courages; but by way of pressing provision: for I do find, Mr. Speaker, that when kingdoms and states are entered into terms and resolutions of hostility one against the other; yet they are many times restrained from their attempts by four impediments.

The first is by this same "aliud agere;" when they have their hands full of other matters, which they have embraced, and serveth for a diversion of their hostile purposes.

The next is, when they want the commodity or opportunity of some places of near approach.

The third, when they have conceived an apprehension of the difficulty and churlishness of the enterprise, and that it is not prepared to their hand.

And the fourth is, when a state, through the age of the monarch, groweth heavy and indisposed to actions of great peril and motion and this dull humour is not sharpened nor inflamed by any provocations or scorns. Now if it please you to examine, whether, by removing the impediments, in these four kinds, the danger be not grown so many degrees nearer us by accidents, as I said, fresh, and all dated since the last parliament.

Soon after the last parliament, you may be pleased to remember how the French king revolted from his religion; whereby every man of common understanding may infer, that the quarrel between France and Spain is more reconcileable, and a greater inclination of affairs to a peace, than before: which supposed, it followeth, Spain shall be more free to intend his malice against this realm.

Since the last parliament, it is also notorious in every man's knowledge and remembrance, that the Spaniards have possessed themselves of that avenue and place of approach for England, which was never in the hands of any king of Spain before; and that is Calais; which in true reason and consideration of estate of what value or service it is, I know not; but in common understanding, it is a knocking at our doors.

Since the last parliament also that ulcer of Ire

land, which indeed brake forth before, hath run on and raged more: which cannot but be a great attractive to the ambition of the council of Spain, who by former experience know of how tough a complexion this realm of England is to be assailed; and, therefore, as rheums and fluxes of humours, is like to resort to that part which is weak and distempered.

And, lastly, it is famous now, and so will be many ages hence, how by these two sea-journeys we have braved him, and objected him to scorn: so that no blood can be so frozen or mortified, but must needs take flames of revenge upon so mighty a disgrace.

So as this concurrence of occurrents, all since our last assembly, some to deliver and free our enemies, some to advance and bring him on his way, some to tempt and allure him, some to spur on and provoke him, cannot but threaten an increase of our peril in great proportion.

Lastly, Mr. Speaker, I will but reduce to the memory of this House one other argument, for ample and large providing and supplying treasure: and this it is:

I see men do with great alacrity and spirit proceed when they have obtained a course they long wished for and were restrained from. Myself can remember, both in this honourable assembly, and in all other places of this realm, how forward and affectionate men were to have an invasive

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The first of these expeditions invasive was achieved with great felicity, ravished a strong and famous port in the lap and bosom of their high countries; brought them to such despair as they fired themselves and their Indian fleet in sacrifice, as a good odour and incense unto God for the great and barbarous cruelties which they have committed upon the poor Indians, whither that fleet was sailing; disordered their reckonings so, as the next news we heard of was nothing but protesting of bills and breaking credit.

The second journey was with notable resolution borne up against weather and all difficulties; and besides the success in amusing him and putting him to infinite charge, sure I am it was like a Tartar's or Parthian's bow, which shooteth backward, and had a most strong and violent effect and operation both in France and Flanders; so that our neighbours and confederates have reaped the harvest of it; and while the life-blood of Spain went inward to the heart, the outward limbs and members trembled, and could not resist. And, lastly, we have a perfect account of all the noble and good blood that was carried forth, and of all our sea-walls and good shipping, without mortality of persons, wreck of vessels, or any manner of diminution. And these have been the happy effects of our so long and so much desired invasive war.

To conclude, Mr. Speaker, therefore, I doubt not but every man will consent that our gift must bear these two marks and badges: the one, of the danger of the realm by so great a proportion, since the last parliament, increased; the other, of the satisfaction we receive in having obtained our so earnest and ardent desire of an invasive war.

CHARGES.

THE JUDICIAL CHARGE

OF

SIR FRANCIS BACON, KNIGHT,

THE KING'S SOLICITOR,

UPON THE COMMISSION OF OYER AND TERMINER HELD FOR THE

VERGE OF THE COURT.

"Lex vitiorum emendatrix, virtutum commendatrix est."

You are to know, and consider well the duty and service to which you are called, and whereupon you are by your oath charged. It is the happy estate and condition of the subject of this realm of England, that he is not to be impeached in his life, lands, or goods, by flying rumours, or wandering fames and reports, or secret and privy inquisitions; but by the oath and presentment of men of honest condition, in the face of justice. But this happy estate of the subject will turn to hurt and inconvenience, if those that hold that part which you are now to perform shall be negligent and remiss in doing their duty; for as of two evils it were better men's doings were looked into over-strictly and severely, than that there should be a notorious impunity of malefactors; as was well and wisely said of ancient time, "a man were better live where nothing is lawful, than where all things are lawful." This, therefore, rests in your care and conscience, forasmuch as at you justice begins, and the law cannot pursue and chase offenders to their deserved fall, except you first put them up and discover them, whereby they may be brought to answer; for your verdict is not concluding to condemn, but it is necessary to charge, and without it the court cannot proceed to condemn.

Considering, therefore, that ye are the eye of justice, ye ought to be single, without partial affection; watchful, not asleep, or false asleep in winking at offenders, and sharp-sighted to proceed with understanding and discretion: for, in a VOL. II.-37

word, if you shall not present unto the court all such offences, as shall appear unto you either by evidence given in, or otherwise, mark what I say, of your own knowledge, which have been committed within the verge, which is as it were the limits of your survey, but shall smother and conceal any offence willingly, then the guiltiness of others will cleave to your consciences before God; and, besides, you are answerable in some degree to the king and his law for such your default and suppression; and therefore take good regard unto it, you are to serve the king and his people, you are to keep and observe your oath, you are to acquit yourselves.

But there is yet more cause why you should take more special regard to your presentments, than any other grand juries within the counties of this kingdom at large: for as it is a nearer degree and approach unto the king, which is the fountain of justice and government, to be the king's servant, than to be the king's subject; so this commission, ordained for the king's servants and household, ought in the execution of justice to be exemplary unto other places. David said, who was a king, "The wicked man shall not abide in my house;" as taking knowledge that it was impossible for kings to extend their care, to banish wickedness over all their land or empire; but yet at least they ought to undertake to God for their house.

We see further, that the law doth so esteem the dignity of the king's settled mansion-house 2 B

289

as it hath laid unto it a plot of twelve miles round, which we call the verge, to be subject to a special and exempted jurisdiction depending upon his person and great officers. This is as a half-pace or carpet spread about the king's chair of estate, which, therefore, ought to be cleared and voided more than other places of the kingdom: for if offences should be shrouded under the king's wings, what hope is there of discipline and good justice in more remote parts? We see the sun, when it is at the brightest, there may be perhaps a bank of clouds in the north, or the west, or remote regions, but near his body few or none; for where the king cometh there should come peace and order, and an awe and reverence in men's hearts.

And this jurisdiction was in ancient time executed, and since by statute ratified, by the lord steward, with great ceremony, in the nature of a peculiar king's bench for the verge; for it was thought a kind of eclipsing to the king's honour, that where the king was, any justice should be sought but immediately from his own officers. But in respect that office was oft void, this commission hath succeeded, which change I do not dislike; for though it hath less state, yet it hath more strength legally: therefore, I say, you, that are a jury of the verge, should lead and give a pattern unto others in the care and conscience of your presentments.

Concerning the particular points and articles whereof you shall inquire, I will help your memory and mine own with order: neither will I load you, or trouble myself with every branch of several offences, but stand upon those that are principal and most in use: the offences, therefore, that you are to present are of four natures.

I. The first, such as concern God and his church.

times, and sacred places, are to be preserved in reverence and divine respect.

For contempts of our church and service, they are comprehended in that known name, which too many, if it pleased God, bear, recusancy; which offence hath many branches and dependencies; the wife-recusant, she tempts; the church Papist, he feeds and relieves; the corrupt schoolmaster, he soweth tares; the dissembler, he conformeth and doth not communicate. Therefore, if any person, man or woman, wife or sole, above the age of sixteen years, not having some lawful excuse, have not repaired to church according to the several statutes; the one, for the weekly, the other, for the monthly repair, you are to present both the offence and the time how long. Again, such as maintain, relieve, keep in service of livery recusants, though themselves be none, you are likewise to present; for these be like the roots of nettles, which sting not themselves, but bear and maintain the stinging leaves: so if any that keepeth a schoolmaster that comes not to church, or is not allowed by the bishop, for that infection may spread far; so such recusant as have been convicted and conformed, and have not received the sacrament once a year, for that is the touchstone of their true conversion: and of these offences of recusancy take you special regard. Twelve miles from court is no region for such subjects. In the name of God, why should not twelve miles about the king's chair be as free from Papist-recusants, as twelve from the city of Rome, the pope's chair, is from Protestants? There be hypocrites and atheists, and so I fear there be amongst us; but no open contempt of their religion is endured. If there must be recusants, it were better they lurked in the country, than here in the bosom of the kingdom.

For matter of division and breach of unity, it is

II. The second, such as concern the king and not without a mystery that Christ's coat had no his state.

seam, nor no more should the church, if it were III. The third, such as concern the king's possible. Therefore, if any minister refuse to use people, and are capital. the book of common-prayer, or wilfully swerveth IV. The fourth, such as concern the king's in divine service from that book; or if any person people, not capital.

The service of Almighty God, upon whose blessing the peace, safety, and good estate of king and kingdom doth depend, may be violated, and God dishonoured in three manners, by profanation, by contempt, and by division, or breach of unity.

First, if any man hath depraved or abused in word or deed the blessed sacrament, or disturbed the preacher or congregation in the time of divine service; or if any have maliciously stricken with weapon, or drawn weapon in any church or churchyard; or if any fair or market have been kept in any churchyard, these are profanations within the purview of several statutes, and those you are to present: for holy things, actions,

whatsoever do scandalize that book, and speak openly and maliciously in derogation of it; such men do but make a rent in the garment, and such are by you to be inquired of. But much more, such as are not only differing, but in a sort opposite unto it, by using a superstitious and corrupted form of divine service; I mean, such as say or

hear mass.

These offences which I have recited to you, are against the service and worship of God: there remain two which likewise pertain to the dishonour of God; the one, is the abuse of his name by perjury; the other, is the adhering to God's declared enemies, evil and outcast spirits, by conjuration and witchcraft.

For perjury, it is hard to say whether it be more odious to God, or pernicious to man; for an

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