Such, I say, were the radical doctrines of Such the result 1648, and such the consequences to of radical reform. which they naturally led. If we are induced to admit the same premises now, who is it, I should be glad to know, that is to guarantee us against similar conclusions? But not on of reforming sentation Such was the theory: the practical inferences | chisement of Grampound is to be the beginning were not tardy in their arrival after the theory. of a system of reform: while they know, In a few weeks the House of Peers was voted and I hope mean as well as I do, not the principle useless. We all know what became of the to reform (in the sense of change) but the repre Crown. to preserve the Constitution. I would not delude the reformers, if I could; and it is quite useless to attempt a delusion upon persons quite as sagacious in their generation as any moderate reformers or anti-reformers of us all. They know full well that the Whigs have no more notion than I have of parting with the close boroughs. Not they, indeed! A large, and perhaps the larger, part of them are in their hands. Why, in the assembly to which you send me, gentlemen, some of those who sit on the same side with me represent, to be sure, less popular places than Liverpool-but on the bench immediately over against me, I descry, among the most eminent of our rivals for power, scarce any other sort of representatives than members for close, or, if you will, for rotten boroughs. To suppose, therefore, that our political opponents have any thoughts of getting rid of the close boroughs, would be a gross delusion; and, I have no doubt, they will be quite as fair and open with the reformers on this point as I am. And this the These, then, are the reasons why I look with jealousy at schemes of parliamentary only consist reform. I look at them with still more ent scheme. jealousy, because, in one of the two classes of men who co-operate in support of that question, I never yet found any two individuals who held the same doctrines: I never yet heard any intelligible theory of reform, except that of the Radical reformers. Theirs, indeed, it is easy enough to understand. But as for theirs, I certainly am not yet fully prepared. I, for my part, will not consent to take one step, without knowing on what principle I am invited to take it, and (which is, perhaps, of more consequence) without declaring on what principle, I will not consent that any step, however harmless, shall be taken. out settling the principle on which it is made. What more harmless than to disfranchise a No change to be corrupt borough in Cornwall, which attempted with has exercised its franchise amiss, and brought shame on itself, and on the system of which it is a part? Nothing. I have no sort of objection to doing, as Parliament has often done in such cases (supposing always the case to be proved), to disfranchising the borough, and rendering it incapable of abusing its franchise in future. But though I have no objection to doing this, I will not do it on the principle of speculative improvement. I do it on the principle of specific punishment for an offense. And I will take good care that no inference shall be drawn from my consent in this specific case, as to any sweeping concurrence in a scheme of general alteration. Nay, I should think it highly disingenuous to Boroughs suffer the Radical reformers to imagine franchised for that they had gained a single step to properly dis their crines. ward the admission of their theory, by any such instance of particular animadversion on proved misconduct. I consent to such disfranchisement; but I do so, not with a view of furthering the Radical system-rather of thwarting it. I am willing to wipe out any blot on the present system, because I mean the present system to stand. I will take away a franchise, because it has been practically abused; not because I am at all disposed to inquire into the origin or to discuss the utility of all such franchises, any more than I mean to inquire, gentlemen, into your titles to your estates. Disfranchising Grampound (if that is to be so), I mean to save Old Sarum. Now, sir, I think I deal fairly with the Radical reformers; more fairly than those who would suffer it to be supposed by them that the disfran It endangers And why, gentlemen, is it that I am satisfied with a system which, it is said, no man can support who is not in love with the monarchy of England. corruption? Is it that I, more than any other man, am afraid to face a popular election? To the last question you can give the answer. To the former I will answer for myself. I do verily believe, as I have already said, that a complete and perfect democratical representation, such as the reformers aim at, can not exist as part of a mixed government. It may exist, and, for aught I know or care, may exist beneficially as a whole. But I am not sent to Parliament to inquire into the question whether a democracy or a monarchy be the best. My lot is cast under the British monarchy. Under that I have lived-under that I have seen my country flourish-under that I have seen it enjoy as great a share of prosperity, of happiness, and of glory, as I believe any modification of human society to be capable of bestowing; and I am not prepared to sacrifice or to hazard the fruit of centuries of experience, of centuries of struggles, and of more than one century of liberty, as perfect as ever blessed any country upon the earth, for visionary schemes of ideal perfectibility, or for doubtful experiments even of possible improvement. The govern taken as it is. I am, therefore, for the House of Commons as a part, and not as the whole, of the government. And as a part of the gov- ment to be ernment, I hold it to be frantic to suppose, that from the election of members of Parliament you can altogether exclude, by any contrivance, even if it were desirable to do so, the influence of property, rank, talents, family connection, and whatever else, in the radical language of the day, is considered as intimidation or corruption. I believe that if a reform, to the extent of that demanded by the Radical reform ers, were granted, you would, before an annual election came round, find that there were new connections;rown up which you must again destroy, new influence acquired which you must dispossess of its authority; and that in these fruitless attempts at unattainable purity, you were working against the natural current of hu man nature. It is true, that if they found their way there, they might endeavor to bring us to a sense of our misdeeds, and to urge us to redeem our character by some self-condemning ordinance; but would not the authority of their names, as our associates, have more than counterbalanced the force of their eloquence as our reformers? But, gentlemen, I am for the whole Constitution. The liberty of the subject as much depends on the maintenance of the constitutional prerogatives of the Crown-on the acknowledg ment of the legitimate power of the other House of Parliament, as it does in upholding that su I believe, therefore, that, contrive how you will, some such human motives of action will find rom to operate in the election of members of Parliament. I think that this must and ought to be so, unless you mean to exclude from the concerns of the nation all inert wealth, all inact-preme power (for such is the power of the purse ive talent, the retired, the aged, and the infirm, all who can not face popular assemblies or engage in busy life; in short, unless you have found some expedient for disarming property of influence, without (what I hope we are not yet ripe for) the abolition of property itself. Varied modes I would have by choice-if the choice were yet to be made-I would have in the of election best House of Commons great variety of for the House. interests, and I would have them find their way there by a great variety of rights of election; satisfied that uniformity of election would produce any thing but a just representation of various interests. As to the close boroughs, I know that through them have found their way into the House of Commons men whose talents have been an honor to their kind, and whose names are interwoven with the brightest periods in the history of their country. I can not think that system altogether vicious which has produced such fruits. Nor can I think that there should be but one road into that assembly, or that no man should be presumed fit for the deliberations of a Senate, who has not had the nerves previously to face the storms of the hustings. in one sense of the word, though not in the sense of the resolution of 1648) which resides in the democratical branch of the Constitution. Whatever beyond its just proportion was gained by one part, would be gained at the expense of the whole; and the balance is now, perhaps, as nearly poised as human wisdom can adjust it. I fear to touch that balance, the disturbance of which must bring confusion on the nation. neght not to be tampered Gentlemen, I trust there are few, very few, reasonable and enlightened men ready such a subject to lend themselves to projects of confusion. But I confess I very much with wish that all who are not ready to do so would consider the ill effect of any countenance given publicly or by apparent implication, to those whom in their hearts and judgments they despise. I remember that most excellent and able man, Mr. Wilberforce, once saying in the House of Commons that he "never believed an opposi tion really to wish mischief to the country; that they only wished just so much mischief as might drive their opponents out, and place themselves in their room." Now, gentlemen, I can not help thinking that there are some persons tampering with the question of reform something in the I need not say, gentlemen, that I am one of same spirit. They do not go so far as the rethe last men to disparage the utility and dignity formers; they even state irreconcilable differenof popular elections. I have good cause to speak ces of opinion; but to a certain extent they agree, of them in far different language. But, among and even co-operate with them. They co-opernumberless other considerations which endear ate with them in inflaming the public feeling not to me the favors which I have received at your only against the government, but against the suphands, I confess it is one that, as your represent- port given by Parliament to that government, in ative, I am enabled to speak my genuine senti- the hope, no doubt, of attracting to themselves ments on this (as I think it) vital question of the popularity which is lost to their opponents, parliamentary reform, without the imputation of and thus being enabled to correct and retrieve shrinking from popular canvass, or of seeking the errors of a displaced administration. Vain shelter for myself in that species of representa- and hopeless task to raise such a spirit and then tion which, as an element in the composition of to govern it! They may stimulate the steeds Parliament, I never shall cease to defend. into fury, till the chariot is hurried to the brink In truth, gentlemen, though the question of of a precipice; but do they flatter themselves that reform is made the pretext of those they can then leap in, and, hurling the incompepersons who have vexed the country tent driver from his seat, check the reins just in sit for boroughs. for some months, I verily believe time to turn from the precipice and avoid the fall? that there are very few even of them who either I fear they would attempt it in vain. The imgive credit to their own exaggerations, or care pulse once given may be too impetuous to be conmuch about the improvements which they rec- trolled; and intending only to change the guidommend. Why, do we not see that the most vio-ance of the machine, they may hurry it and themlent of the reformers of the day are aiming at seats in that assembly, which, according to their own theories, they should have left to wallow in its own pollution, discountenanced and unredeemed? The most violent reformers are willing to selves to irretrievable destruction. May every man who has a stake in the country, whether from situation, from character, from wealth, from his family, and from the hopes of ON VISITING PLYMOUTH. 873 his children-may every man who has a sense of the blessings for which he is indebted to the of that line we, gentlemen, shall range ourselves, is but that line of demarkation. On which side form of government under which he lives, see that the time is come at which his decision must upon that our common choice, with my best efour choice has long ago been made In acting be taken, and, when once taken, steadfastly acted forts and exertions, I shall at once faithfully repupon-for or against the institutions of the Brit-resent your sentiments, and satisfy my own judgish monarchy! The time is come at which there ment and conscience. SPEECH OF MR. CANNING, DELIVERED AT PLYMOUTH, IN THE YEAR 1823. MR. CANNING having visited Plymouth and inspected the Dock-yards in 1823, the freedom of the town was presented him through the Mayor and other public officers. He returned thanks in the following speech, which was much admired at the time not only for the political views which it expressed, but especially for his beautiful allusion to the ships in ordinary as an emblem of England while reposing in the quietude of peace. SPEECH, &c. MR. MAYOR AND GENTLEMEN,-I accept with | thankfulness, and with greater satisfaction than I can express, this flattering testimony of your good opinion and good will. I must add that the value of the gift itself has been greatly enhanced by the manner in which your worthy and honorable Recorder has developed the motives which suggested it, and the sentiments which it is intended to convey. subject to can The lan The views of a British politician should be confined to the inter ests of Great Britain. ways had in view, and which apGentlemen, the end which I confess I have al pears to me the legitimate object of pursuit to a British statesman, I describe in one word. guage of modern philosophy is wisely and diffusely benevolent; it professes the perfection of our species, and the amelioration of the lot of all Gentlemen, your recorder has said very truly, as high for the general interest of humanity-I mankind. Gentlemen, I hope that my heart beats The life of ev that whoever in this free and enlight-hope that I have as friendly a disposition toward ery public man ened state, aims at political eminence, other nations of the earth, as any one who vaunts scrutiny. and discharges political duties, must his philanthropy most highly; but I am contentexpect to have his conduct scrutinized, and ev-ed to confess that, in the conduct of political afery action of his public life sifted with no ordi- fairs, the grand object of my contemplation is the nary jealousy, and with no sparing criticism; and interest of England. such may have been my lot as much as that of other public men. But, gentlemen, unmerited obloquy seldom fails of an adequate, though perhaps tardy, compensation. I must think myself, as my honorable friend has said, eminently fortunate, if such compensation as he describes has fallen to me at an earlier period than to many others; if I dare flatter myself (as his partiality has flattered me), that the sentiments that you are kind enough to entertain for me, are in unison with those of the country; if, in addition to the justice done me by my friends, I may, as he has assured me, rely upon a candid construction, even from political opponents. Success depends principles. is an interest which stands isolated and This involves selfishness. forbids an exclusive selfishness; her The situation which she holds no principle of prosperity must contribute to the prosperity of other nations, and her stability to the safety of the world. But intimately connected as we are with the system of Europe, it does not follow that we every occasion, with a restless and meddling actare, therefore, called upon to mix ourselves on ivity, in the concerns of the nations which surround us. duties, and of rival, but sometimes incompatible It is upon a just balance of conflicting to put forth its strength, and when to husband it advantages, that a government must judge when for occasions yet to come. great ultimate But, gentlemen, the secret of such a result does not lie deep. It consists only in on very simple an honest and undeviating pursuit of what one conscientiously believes world. Our ultimate object must be the peace of the to be one's public duty-a pursuit which, stead- be best attained by prompt exertions the worl That object may sometimes The peace of ily continued, will, however detached and sepa--sometimes by abstinence from in- object. rate parts of a man's conduct may be viewed under the influence of partialities or prejudices, obtain for it, when considered as a whole, the approbation of all honest and honorable minds. Any man may occasionally be mistaken as to the means most conducive to the end which he has in view; but if the end be just and praiseworthy, it is by that he will be ultimately judged, either by his contemporaries or by posterity. terposition in contests which we can not prevent. the persons who would have driven us into that those who desired to plunge this country into the | now reposing on their shadows in perfect stillness difficulties of war, partly from the hope that those how soon, upon any call of patriotism, or of difficulties would overwhelm the administration; necessity, it would assume the likeness of an anibut it would be most unjust not to admit that mated thing, instinct with life and motion—how there were others who were actuated by nobler soon it would ruffle, as it were, its swelling plumprinciples and more generous feelings, who would age-how quickly it would put forth all its beauty have rushed forward at once from the sense of and its bravery, collect its scattered elements of indignation at aggression, and who deemed that strength, and awaken its dormant thunder. Such no act of injustice could be perpetrated from one as is one of these magnificent machines when end of the universe to the other, but that the springing from inaction into a display of its sword of Great Britain should leap from its scab-might-such is England herself, while, apparentbard to avenge it. But as it is the province of ly passive and motionless, she silently concentrates law to control the excess even of laudable pas- the power to be put forth on an adequate occasion.2 sions and propensities in individuals, so it is the But God forbid that that occasion should arise. duty of government to restrain within due bounds After a war sustained for near a quarter of a cen the ebullition of national sentiment, and to regu- tury-sometimes single-handed, and with all Eulate the course and direction of impulses which it rope arranged at times against her, or at her side, can not blame. Is there any one among the latter England needs a period of tranquillity, and may class of persons described by my honorable friend enjoy it without fear of misconstruction. Long (for to the former I have nothing to say) who con- may we be enabled, gentlemen, to improve the tinues to doubt whether the government did wise- blessings of our present situation, to cultivate the ly in declining to obey the precipitate enthusiasm arts of peace, to give to commerce, now reviv which prevailed at the commencement of the ing, greater extension, and new spheres of emcontest in Spain ? Is there any body who does ployment, and to confirm the prosperity now not now think that it was the office of govern- generally diffused throughout this island. Of ment to examine more closely all the various the blessing of peace, gentlemen, I trust that bearings of so complicated a question, to consider this borough, with which I have now the honor whether they were called upon to assist a united | and happiness of being associated, will receive nation, or to plunge themselves into the internal an ample share. I trust the time is not far disfeuds by which that nation was divided-to aid tant, when that noble structure of which, as I in repelling a foreign invader, or to take part in learn from your Recorder, the box with which a civil war? Is there any man that does not now you have honored me, through his hands, formed see what would have been the extent of burdens a part, that gigantic barrier against the fury of that would have been cast upon this country? the waves that roll into your harbor, will protect Is there any one who does not acknowledge that, a commercial marine not less considerable in its under such circumstances the enterprise would kind than the warlike marine of which your port have been one to be characterized only by a term has been long so distinguished an asylum, when borrowed from that part of the Spanish literature the town of Plymouth will participate in the com with which we are most familiar-Quixotic; anmercial prosperity as largely as it has hitherto enterprise romantic in its origin, and thankless done in the naval glories of England. in the end? should be sought by for war. But while we thus control even our feelings But peace by our duty, let it not be said that we cultivate peace either because we fear, being ready or because we are unprepared for war; on the contrary, if eight months ago the government did not hesitate to proclaim that the country was prepared for war, if war should be unfortunately necessary, every month of peace that has since passed has but made us so much the more capable of exertion. The resources created by peace are means of war. In cherishing those resources, we but accumulate those " 2 It will interest the reader to compare this pas sage with one conceived in the same spirit by the poet Campbell, on the launching of a ship of the line. Those who have ever witnessed the spectacle forgive me for adding this to the examples of the of the launching of a ship of the line will perhaps sublime objects of artificial life. Of that spectacle I can never forget the impression, and of having wit nessed it reflected from the faces of ten thousand spectators. They seem yet before me-I sympathize with their deep and silent expectation, and with their final burst of enthusiasm. It was not a vulgar joy, but an affecting national solemnity. When the vast bulwark sprang from her cradle, the calm water on which she swung majestically round, gave the imagination a contrast of the stormy element on which she was soon to ride. All the days of battle, and the nights of danger which she had to encounterall the ends of the earth which she had to visit-and all that she had to do and to suffer for her country, rose in awful presentiment before the mind; and when the heart gave her a benediction, it was like one pronounced on a living being."—Essay on Ew glish Poetry. SPEECH OF MR. CANNING ON AFFORDING AID TO PORTUGAL WHEN INVADED FROM SPAIN, DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, DECEMBER 12, 1826. INTRODUCTION. ENGLAND had been for nearly two centuries the ally and protector of Portugal, and was bound to defend her when attacked. In 1826, a body of absolutists, headed by the Queen Dowager and the Marquess of Chaves, attempted to destroy the existing Portuguese government, which had been founded on the basis of constitutional liberty. This government had been acknowledged by England, France, Austria, and Russia. It was, however, obnoxious to Ferdinand, king of Spain; and Portugal was invaded from the Spanish territory by large bodies of Portuguese absolutists, who had been there organized with the connivance, if not the direct aid, of the Spanish government. The Portuguese government now demanded the assistance of England. Five thousand troops were, therefore, instantly ordered to Lisbon, and Mr. Canning came forward in this speech to explain the reasons of his prompt intervention. "This," says his biographer, "is the master-piece of his eloquence. In propriety and force of diction-in excellence of appropriate and well-methodized arrangement-in elevation of style and sentiment; and in all the vigorous qualities of genuine manly eloquence-boldness-judgment -firmness, it fully sustains its title to the high eulogy given it by Mr. Brougham at the close of the debate." SPEECH, &c. ed. MR. SPEAKER,-In proposing to the House of Commons to acknowledge, by an humDesign of the speaker. ble and dutiful address, his Majesty's most gracious message, and to reply to it in terms which will be, in effect, an echo of the sentiments and a fulfillment of the anticipations of that message, I feel that, however confident I may be in the justice, and however clear as to the policy of the measures therein announced, it becomes me, as a British minister, recommending to Parliament any step which may approximate this country even to the hazard of a war, while I explain the grounds of that proposal, to accompany my explanation with expressions of regret. importance of I can assure the House, that there is not withHigh sense en- in its walls any set of men more deeptertained of the ly convinced than his Majesty's minренсе. isters-nor any individual more intimately persuaded than he who has now the honor of addressing you-of the vital importance of the continuance of peace to this country and to the world. So strongly am I impressed with this opinion-and for reasons of which I will put the House more fully in possession before I sit down —that I declare there is no question of doubtful or controverted policy-no opportunity of present national advantage-no precaution against remote difficulty-which I would not gladly compromise, pass over, or adjourn, rather than call on Parliament to sanction, at this moment, any measure which had a tendency to involve the country in war. But, at the same time, sir, I feel that which has been felt, in the best times of English history, by the best statesmen of this country, and by the Parliaments by whom those statesmen were supported-I feel that there are two causes, and but two causes, which can not be either compromised, passed over, or adjourn But national These causes are, adherence to the national faith, and regard for the national honor. Sir, if I did not consider both these causes as involved in the proposition which I have this day to make to you, I should not address the House, as I now do, in the full and entire confidence that the gracious communication of his Majesty will be met by the House with the concurrence of which his Majesty has declared his expectation. faith and honor proposed meas demand the ures. gations to In order to bring the matter which I have to submit to you, under the cognizance of Part First. the House, in the shortest and clearest Treaty oblimanner, I beg leave to state it, in the Portugal first instance, divested of any collateral considerations. It is a case of law and of fact: of national law on the one hand, and of notorious fact on the other; such as it must be, in my opinion, as impossible for Parliament, as it was for the government, to regard in any but one light; or to come to any but one conclusion upon it. Early origin gations. Among the alliances by which, at different periods of our history, this country has been connected with the other nations of those obli of Europe, none is so ancient in origin, and so precise in obligation-none has continued so long, and been observed so faithfully-of none is the memory so intimately interwoven with the most brilliant records of our triumphs, as that by which Great Britain is connected with Portugal. It dates back to distant centuries; it has survived an endless variety of fortunes. Anterior in existence to the accession of the house of Braganza to the throne of Portugal—it derived, however, fresh vigor from that event; and never, from that epoch to the present hour, has the independent monarchy of Portugal ceased to be nurtured by the friendship of Great Britain. This alliance |