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Fiat Justitia Ruat Coelum.

fruits thereof. But suppose the vengeful fury so pe- || against the demands of justice, and steel our culiar to the colored race and abolitionists, should || hearts, that the cries of mercy melt them not, lest be arrested this side the unexplored regions, the the disenthralled, in the superabundance of gratifugitives would then be spared the trouble of contude for releasement from servitude, and to constructing their great Michael, and might remain vince us how highly they prize the privileges of in perfect security on the western shore of this freemen, should avail themselves of the opportunivast continent. Even now, busy fancy, ever pry- || ty to cut our throats, burn our dwellings, and deing into the future, has thrown aside the veil and solate the fairest portions of our country; lest the presents to my mental view, innumerable "popu- proclamation that every citizen of this "republic" lous cities," well built towns, and thriving villages is free and entitled to the rights and immunities in addition to well cultivated farms, and extensive of freemen-shall be the signal for the commencemanufacturing establishments, while the "star ment of untold horrors, of one "universal conflaspangled banner" from the tall masted ships wa-gration," for the "shout of exulting rapine, and ving gallantly in air, betoken that commercial the shriek of murder to go forth." interests have suffered but little by the change from the Atlantic, to the Pacific shores-owing materially to the fact that the black and colored population possess neither wisdom, sense, nor ingenuity, nor knowledge to exercise them if they did; nor yet the ability to apply that knowledge, did they possess it;-and the whites, who refused to obey the warning voice, being abolitionists, and of course madmen, had lost all they ever were endued with, so that knowledge, wisdom, and genius, had no more an abiding place in the land,-I mean the eastern part of it.

But to return seriously to the subject-the writer admits, that "beyond doubt" he (the negro) is entitled to the "same rights as the white man," that he "was created by the same Providence, and|| sharing the same nature, and under the same charter by which we claim our freedom, he is declared to be equally free, and equally entitled to make the laws which bind, and exercise the government which controls him. Nature placed him by our side with a soul as free, and a brow as erect as ours, and the mind that would invoke the sanction of reason to invalidate the negroe's rights, or excuse the white man's wrongs, must be strangely clouded with prejudice, or perverted by evil. Providence never created a man, whatever his complexion, to be an oppressor, never created him to be oppressed."

The paragraph immediately following this acknowledgement and assertion, evinces the fears of a guilty conscience, and contains the convenient conclusions of slave apologists.

"Does the exercise of these rights accord with our safety?" May we safely obey the dictates of truth, and permit our brother to remain "by our side with a soul as free, and a brow as erect as ours?" Will he not, in return for this, butcher every white man in his power? If we may "safe ly" release them, that is, if it cannot be done conveniently," by the right by which the strong man would push his weaker brother from the plank that would not suffice to save them both, we are not only justified, but constrained to prevent the exercise of those rights." By this partial reply to his own question, the writer has proved, according to his own rule, (the only thing he has succeeded in establishing) that his mind is "strangely clouded with prejudice, or perverted by evil." He not only maintains it on the ground of policy, but insists that we are "not only justified" in so doing, "but constrained" to retain the slaves in bondage to prevent the effects of immediate emancipation. And why? "It does not accord with our safety." So then, we must close our ears

I appeal to every candid reader, to know if the writer of the article from which the preceding extracts are taken, has not, out of his own mouth, condemned himself-has not pursued the course he a moment before deprecated, and invoked the sanction of reason and justice, for our intolerant wickedness, and converted the most cruel oppression into a law of nature. What was in others prejudice and wrong, speedily becomes a justifiable action, on the accommodating ground of expediency. But this convenient cloak for despotism is not large enough to conceal the tattered garments beneath. The cause of freedom has gained a foot-hold in this nation, and the efforts of its advocates are not to be turned aside, while slavery hath an abiding place among us.

And may He who regards his creatures with an impartial eye, hasten the day when prostrate Ethiopia shall availingly "stretch forth her hands

unto God."

Philadelphia, 6th mo. 1833.

R. E. X,

CONVENTIONAL ADDRESS,
To the Free Colored Inhabitants of the United
States.

BRETHREN AND FELLOW CITIZENS-It is a matter of high congratulation that, through the providence of Almighty God, we have been enabled to convene, for the fourth time, as the representatives of the free people of color of eight of the States of the Uuion, for the purpose of devising plans for our mutual and common improvement, in this, the land of our nativity.

To that important object the entire attention of the convention has been directed; but to effect it, as might be expected, a very considerable diversity of sentiment as to the best means, existed. Various circumstances growing out of our local situations, operate to produce a great difference of feeling, as well as of judgment, in the course best calculated to insure our advancement in prosperity. Our brethren at the south are subject to many very cruel and oppressive laws, to get clear of which they will consent to go into exile, as promising to them enjoyments from which they are cut off in the land of their birth. Gratitude to the bountiful Bestower of all good, compels us to rejoice in the acknowledgment that the lot of many of us has fallen in a better and fairer portion of the land, to separate ourselves from which, or to promulgate a wish to do so, without better prospects of improvement before us than has yet come to our knowledge, would be suicidal to the vital interests of the colored people of the free states, and would justly draw upon us the execration of the thinking part in the slave states. Ours is a of his skin. It would be just as rational, as poli-defensive warfare; on our domicil we meet the tic, and as christian, to make the length of his nose, or the shape of his foot, the criterion of liberty or slavery. ED. G. U. E.

aggressor, and if we move, or give our consent to move, and bid them to follow before we are driven, forcibly driven, from our lodgments-which, hea

Fiat Justitia Ruat Colum.

ven be praised, is not probable-their denunciations would be just.

A host

the edifices had been reared. But the manifest im: provement that we have made, loudly demands that The Canadian Reports, as published in the mi- we should employ the talents we possess in assist. nutes of this convention, may be regarded as the ing the philanthropists of the present time in their unequivocally expressed sentiments of the colored endeavors for our further advancement. people of the free states, viz: improvement, but of benevolent individuals are at present actively without emigration, except it be voluntary. engaged in the praiseworthy and noble undertaBy an attentive perusal of the minutes and pro-king of raising us from the degradation we are ceedings of the convention, it will be apparent how now in, to the exalted situation of American freedeeply we sympathize in the distresses of our more men. Their success eminently depends upon the unfortunate brethren, and the interest we willing-succour and encouragement they receive from our ly take, to the extent of our power, to mitigate united efforts to carry into effect those plans retheir sufferings. We feel confident that the course commended for the government of our conduct.— pursued, as presented in this address, will receive With a strong desire for our improvement in mothe approbation of our constituents, and of those rality, religion, and learning, they have advised of our fellow citizens who are solicitous that our us strictly to practise the virtues of temperance moral, religious, civil, and political condition should || and economy, and by all means early to instruct be improved in the United States. To promote our children in the elements of education. The our welfare, a great and increasing interest is convention being perfectly convinced of the immanifesting itself in various parts of the Union; possibility of our moral elevation without a strict and we feel assured that we shall receive the adherence to these precepts, has conceived it to be hearty concurrence and support of our brethren, its duty earnestly to call upon our brethren to in the measures herein recommended for our ge- give their aid and influence in promoting an obneral benefit. We supplicate the intercession of ject so desirable. In conformity to the recommenJehovah, to extend this interest to the most remote dation of the former convention, we are bappy to parts of our country. We think that we cannot make || have it in our power to state, that several tempea stronger or more effectual appeal to your judg-rance societies have been formed in most, if not in ments to secure your active co-operation in the plans all the states represented. In the course of the suggested, than by exhibiting to you a brief outline proceedings, will be found an elaborate report on of the efforts making by our friends to elevate the the subject of temperance, to the careful perusal character and condition of the man of color. of which we invite the especial attention of our With a view that we may the more clearly un- brethren. That societies for mental improvement, derstand the duties that now devolve upon us, it particularly among the females, have been estabmay be necessary to advert to times gone by, when lished in several places, and a manifest improvein a state of slavery, ignorance and misery, with ment has marked their progress. Some diligenee scarcely sufficient intellect remaining to wish for has also been employed in extending the benefits freedom: such is the deteriorating effect of the of education to a considerable number of children, slave system, carried to the extent that it has been, who had been before neglected, and mental feasts and now is, in America: there arose a number of have been held, of mixed companies of males and philanthropists, who espoused our cause, and by females, in some of the cities, on the recommnentheir continued exertions have effected the entire dation of our very worthy friend, the Rev. Simeon liberation of the slaves in some of the states; and S. Jocelyn, of New Haven. the salutary influence of those principles has been felt, in some degree, in every part of the United States, and once bid fair to make every citizen of our country proud of the distinguished appellation of an American. But it is lamentable that a deep and solemn gloom has settled on that once bright anticipation, and that monster, prejudice, is stalking over the land, spreading in its course its pestilential breath, blighting and withering the fair and natural hopes of our happiness, resulting from the enjoyment of that invaluable behest of God to man-FREEDOM.

From these promising beginnings we eagerly anticipate a speedy and extensive spread of those principles so justly calculated to dignify human nature; and earnestly hope a universal imitation of those salutary examples, without which the best endeavors of our friends must prove abortive.

|
The resolution past at the last convention, that
the auxiliary societies obtain all the information
possible relative to the number and state of the
schools in their respective sections; the branches
of education taught in each, with the number of
scholars, and make returns of the same through
their delegates, to this convention, has not been
fulfilled to the extent desired, but a general report

It is not to be expected that we would enter in-
to a disquisition, with a view to satisfy the minds
of those who fancy they are interested in prolong-will be found attached to the proceedings.
ing the miseries of their fellow men; on that sub-
ject, it is presumed the greatest stretch of human
reason has been employed to elucidate its repug-
nance to the precepts of the gospel; its infringe.
ment on the natural rights of man; its injury to
the interests of those who cleave to it on the
score of supposed interest, and its repugnance
to the happiness, as well as to the interests
of society in general. From these considerations,
the conviction is forced upon us that they willing-
ly and wilfully shut their eyes against the clear-
est evidences of reason. In that state of helpless-
ness in which we were, schools were erected for
our improvement, and from them great benefit has
resulted. Schools have been erected by philan-
thropists, and many of us have been educated
without so much as knowing when, or by whom,

A circumstance that we would particularly introduce to the serious consideration of our brethren in general, is, the great efforts that are making by our friends, for the establishment of manual labor schools, for the improvement of our youth in the higher branches of education, for the report on which subject we refer the reader to the minutes. It is not, however, thought to be improper here to state, that in the city of New York efforts are making to establish, in that state, a school of this description. In the state of Pennsylvania, a benevolent (deceased) individual has bequeathed ten thousand dollars for, or towards the erection of a similar school. And the New England AntiSlavery Society, (which has laid a broader base. for philanthropic exertion in the cause of the man of color, than any benevolent institution that has

Fiat Justitia Ruat Cœlum.

the necessity of sending us into banishment. A greater outrage could not be committed against an unoffending people; and the hypocrisy that has marked its movements, deserves our universal censure. We have been cajoled into measures by the most false representations of the advantages to be derived from our emigration to Africa. The recommendation has been offered as presenting the greatest and best interests to ourselves. No argument has been adduced, other than that based difference of color. If shades of difference in complexion is to operate to make men the sport of powerful caprice, who can pretend to determine how long it may be before, on this principle, the colonists may be again compelled to migrate to the land of their fathers in America.

preceded it,) has, in addition to its various other methods to raise the character and condition of the free people of color, promoted addresses and discussions, oral and written, defending us from the unjust aspersions of our enemies; has opened a subscription, with a determination to raise funds sufficient to establish manual labor schools in New England for the instruction of colored youth. This most meritorious institution, in the vindication of the natural, civil, and political rights of the colored people, ought, and we trust does, occupy a dis-on prejudice, and that prejudice founded on our tinguished place in the feelings and affections of our people. The more perfectly and securely to carry into effect that part of their plan relating to schools, they deemed it necessary to send our very worthy and highly talented advocate ond defender,|| William Lloyd Garrison, to England, to endeavor to raise funds to aid in that enterprise, but not less to unfold the manifold misrepresentations respect-principled that has been realized in almost any ing the people of color, by Mr. Elliot Cresson, an agent of the American Colonization Society, in his addresses to the British people.

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The conduct of this institution is the most un

and it is hoped that before long, the man of color will be reinstated in his natural rights.

civilized country. Based and supported as it was, by some men of the greatest wealth and talent that the country boasts, under the sanction of On the subject of the American Colonization names so respectable, the common sense of the Society, the expression of public sentiment has community was led astray, little imagining that been frequently and clearly given, and as an evi- any thing more was designed than appeared on dence of our unvaried conviction of its hostility to the surface, viz. the improvement of the condition our interests, we refer to the address and report of the people of color, by their removal to Africa, on that subject. We cannot, however, brethren, and the evangelizing of that continent. The hidpass over this important cause of much of our de- den insidious design in our removal, political exbasement, without informing you that we have pediency, was confined to the few that organized arrived at that point in the examining of the du- the society; its secret purposes have been kept as ties submitted for our consideration, that we close as possible. But Southern inquisitiveness must necessarily leave the confined borders of demanded a developement of the secret, with which our own view of natural, civil, and political they were satisfied, and it received their support— rights, growing out of immemorial prescriptive while the North, prompted by sentiments of bene. usage, that birth constitutes citizenship. The volence towards us, entered heartily into the ories, perfectly new and multiform, are offered scheme. But the real objects being now manifest, for adjudication. We shall decline a decision many have withdrawn their support from it, from until we have examined their several merits. their conviction of its insufficiency to perform what We shall first call your attention to the most im- was expected, and the want of good faith on the portant of these theories, that of the American Co- part of the society, as to its real object in awaken. lonization Society, not only because it pursues, bying their sympathy. The deception is discovered, its dependent agents, the most irrational course to effect the object they profess to have, in view, as unfolded by them to the people of the North, but that the supporters of the system at the South, are among the most talented and respectable of their citizens; how these men should advocate a cause so incommensurate to produce the avowed desired effects, seems involved in impenetrable mystery. But it is worse than idle, when the address is made to the common sense of common men, to ask whether a child or person born in the United States of America can be considered a native of England. The philanthropists of this association have endeavored to establish, as a primary belief, that the colored child, that is, the child not white, no matter how many generations he may be able to trace The committee consisting of one delegate from in a lineal ascent, as a African, and ought to be each state, for the purpose of reporting the views sent to the land of his forefathers-Africa. When and sentiments of the people of color in their rethey have worked up the fancy of their hearers spective states, relative to the principles and opeto that pitch that they really believe us to be Afri- rations of the American Colonization Society, recans, it becomes an easy matter to excite their spectfully beg leave to report:-That all the peosympathy, so that they readily loose their purse-ple of the states they represent, feel themselves strings, and voluntarily contribute to the benefi-aggrieved by its very existence, and speak their cent scheme of the society to restore us to the land of our nativity. The show of seeming seriousness in combatting so ludicrous a position, if it was not upheld by a very respectable portion of the intelligence of the country, might create a doubt of the intent.

But this society has most grossly vilified our character as a people; it has taken much pains to make us abhorrent to the public, and then pleads

In the city of New York, there has been lately formed an institution called the Phoenix Society, consisting of some of the most wealthy and talent. ed men in that city, white and colored, the object of which is to unite the whole colored people into a fraternity for our improvement; and it is hoped, that under the guidance of Almighty God, our most sanguine expectations will be realized.

ABRAHAM D. SHADD, President. Philadelphia, June 13, 1833.

Report of the Committee on African Colonization.

sentiments of disapprobation in language not to be misunderstood. The only exception to the rule is those who are receiving an education, or preparing themselves for some profession, at the expense of the society.

Your committee, therefore, respectfully declare, that they have given the subject that serious consideration which its connexion with the interest of our people, and a proper respect for the opinions

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of a large portion of the people of the United States, imperiously demand.

After having divested ourselves of all unreasonable prejudice, and reviewed the whole ground of our opposition to the American Colonization Society, with all the candor of which we are capable, we still declare to the world, that we are unable to arrive at any other conclusion, than that the life-giving principles of the association are totally repugnant to the spirit of true benevolence; that the doctrines which the society inculcates, are hostile to those of our holy religion; nay, a direct violation of the golden rule of our Lord, "All things whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye even so to them." That the inevitable, if not the designed tendency of these doctrines, is to strengthen the cruel prejudices of our opponents, to steel the heart of sympathy to the appeals of suffering humanity, to retard our advancement in morals, literature and science, in short, to extinguish the last glimmer of hope, and throw an impenetrable gloom over our fairest and most reasonable prospects.

they can dwell in peaceful retirement, under their own vine, and under their own fig tree.

(Signed) JAMES G. BARBADOES, Massachusetts. WILLIAM HAMILTON, New York. WILLIAM WHIPPER, Pennsylvania. SAMUEL ELLIOTT, Maryland. GEORGE SPYWOOD, Rhode Island. THOMAS BANKS, New Jersey. JOSEPH BURTON, Delaware. LUKE LATHROP, Connecticut.

SLAVERY AND LIBERTY.

"E. Pluribus Unum!"

July 4th, 1776, the date of our national birth, we proudly told the world, "that all men" were "created equal—that they are endowed with certain unalienable rights-that among these, are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." This doctrine is good; but where are these equal and unalienable rights, this equal enjoyment of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness? While we have now existed as a nation, professing to maintain the righteous principles of civil and religious liberty, for all men alike, with standards lifted high, bearing the unfurled banners and eagles of American freedom, boasting that "WE ARE ONE," for more than half a century, it is a glaring fact,

These are not the illusions of a distempered imagination, the ebulitions of inflamed prejudice, or the effusions of fanaticism, as some would unjustly insinuate. No: they are deliberate, irresistable conclusions, founded on facts derived from the of-sufficient to cover us and the nation with everficial documents of the Colonization Society-the approved declarations and acts of the agents of that association, which we need not here recapitulate, as we presume you are perfectly familiar with them.

The recent discussions on that subject have elicited much light, and an awakening influence is arising in favor of the true interests of our people. Many of its ablest advocates have deerted the cause, and are now busily engaged in tearing down the MONUMENT they assisted in || erecting.

The investigations that have been made into that society within the past year, justifies us in believing that that great BABEL of oppression and persecution must soon cease to exist. It has been reared so high, that the light of heaven, the benevolence of true philanthropy, and the voice of humanity, forbid its further ascent; and, as in ancient times, the confusion of tongues has already begun, which speedily promises its final consummation-and although it has but recently been classed with the benevolent enterprizes of this age, it must shortly be numbered with the ruins of the past.

lasting disgrace, that the horrors and cruelty of Negro Slavery, have, during all this period, existed, and been tolerated by us, as though these things were but compotent parts of the equal rights we assumed in our declaration of independence. And who can estimate the amount of our individual and national guilt in this thing, while no less than two millions of our fellow beings, made of the same "one blood," with ourselves, "to dwell on the face of the earth," have, during this period, perished under yokes and burdens of cruelty, which we have not moved with one of our fingers? And should we continue to slumber on, in effect, doing nothing to procure their just emancipation, as heretofore, will the Mighty God, also slumber over our protracted and accumulated guilt, while upwards of two millions more of their posterity and countrymen, with a yearly increase of eighty thousand, are groaning and sinking under the same oppression, even should we not be accountable for any loss our oppression might occasion them beyond the present world?

few inquiries.

If any who may read the above, should still be disposed to palliate or excuse the United States' system of slavery, or otherwise discourage efforts The recent appeal of the selectmen of Canter- for its speedy and entire abolition, they are rebury, (Conn.) to that society, but too clearly de-quested to give a candid and clear answer to a monstrates to the eyes of an enlightened public, that they have recognized it as an instrument, by which they might more fully carry into operation, their horrible design of preventing innocent and unprotected females from receiving the benefits of a liberal education, without which, the best and brightest prospects of any country or people, must be forever blasted.

Your committee would recommend to this Convention to adopt the following resolution:

Resolved, That this Convention discourage, by every means in their power, the colonization of our people; anywhere beyond the limits of this CONTINENT; and those who may be obliged to exchange a cultivated region for a howling wilderness, we would recommend, to retire back into the western wilds, and fell the native forests of America, where the plough-share of prejudice has as yet been unable to penetrate the soil-and where

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According to the laws of our land-has not the owner the power utterly to refuse his slaves the liberty of marriage, if he pleases?

Has he not the same power wholly to dictate their choice, or choose for them, in case of their taking a partner, if he please?

Has he not the same power to deprive them of all the privileges of education;-of the Gospelof the Sabbath;--and all other means of grace;and even to the privilege of learning the English alphabet, preventing their learning to talk intelligently, if he choose?

Has he not the same power to sell them at auction, or otherwise-wife from husband-husband from wife-children from parents, and parents from children,-if he please?

Has he not the same power to flog them without mercy, and that without offence, or trial; and

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compel them, even husband and wife, to do the same to each other, if he please?

Has he not the same power to make them labor without wages, even hungry, and naked; and otherwise deprive them of every thing they may hold dear, at his pleasure?

Now, are not the population of the non-slaveholding States emphatically partakers in the horrid guilt of United States slavery? And how can it be considered otherwise, while they continue their looking on, in silence, and passing by, like the Priest and the Levite, with cold indifference? And how it can be otherwise considered so long as they practically acknowledge and maintain that Heaven daring part of the national compact,* which binds the free states to turn out their forces and help the slaveholding states to conquer and rivet on again their iron chains, in case their principle, that African "men" are also "created equal, and-endowed by their Creator, with the same unalienable rights of-life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness."

slaves should otherwise assume and maintain the

Is it not then the imperious duty of every slaveholder, Now, "to deal justly, love mercy, and walk humbly with God," giving unto their servants, as he commands, "that which is just and right," even the unalienable rights, the masters themselves acknowledge, without requiring the unequal condition of their going from their real native country, to another, sunk in the darkness and degradation

of heathenism?

And are we not, in the free states, bound to exert the best of our influence in favor of the most

just, wise, safe and immediate general emancipation which can be effected by our government, without grudging the expense of doing justly, should it prove expensive?

Would it not increase the wealth and prosperity of the south to have their work done by free laborers, though colored, and though just wages were paid?

FROM THE CINCINNATI DAILY GAZETTE.

citizens, was a goodly sight. The pageant was in The procession last Friday of our colored fellow

commemoration of an event honourable to the

Legislature by which the law providing for it, was enacted, the final abolition of slavery in New York.

The first act of the state of New York on this

subject, was designed to work a gradual abolition of slavery in that state. It bears date the 29th day of March, 1799, and provides that all children should be held by the owners of the mothers of born of slaves after the 4th day of July, 1799, the same, only until they should respectively attain 25 years. Another act of similar import, so far as to the age of 28 years, if males; and if females, respects the point under examination, was passed April, 8, 1801. But by an act of the 31st of March, 1817, a final blow was given in that state to the

dominion of the slave-holder. The fourth section of this act is as follows, "every child born of a slave within this state, after the fourth day of July, shall remain the servant of the owner of his or her in the year of our LORD 1799, shall be free, but mother, and the executors, administrators, or assigns of such owner, in the same manner as if such child had been bound to service, by the overvice, if a male, until the age of 28 years, and if a seers of the poor, and shall continue in such serfemale, until the age of 25 years, and every child born of a slave within this state, after the passing of this act; shall remain a servant as aforesaid, until the age of 21 years, and no longer." And declared that "every negro, mulatto, or mustee, by the thirty-second section of the same act, it was within this state, born before the Fourth of July, 1799, should from and after the Fourth day of has gone by, and there is therefore at this moment July, 1827, BE FREE." This auspicious day not a slave within the wide spread territory of this prosperous state.*

And would not this course greatly confirm and statute, all slavery was absolutely extinct in New According then to the provisions of the above secure our national union? And is it not appa- York on the 4th day of July, 1827, and it is scen rent, that a just emancipation must take place soon by the consent of the people, to prevent a woeful abo-termined on the 31st day of March, 1838, that is, also that all terms of negro servitude will be delition, such as God once effected at the Red Sea, on Egypt, and more recently at St. Domingo? IF THESE THINGS ARE NOT SO, WILL NOT THE READER PRESENT THE PROOF?

James 5: 1, 4—“Go to, now, ye rich men-Behold the hire of the laborers who have reaped down your fields, which is, of you, kept back by fraud, crieth, and the cries of them which have reaped, are entered into the cars of the Lord of

Sabbaoth."

Jeremiah 22: 13-"Woe unto him that build

eth his house by unrighteousness, and his chambers by wrong, that useth his neighbors service with

out wages, and giveth him not for his work."

Exodus 21: 16-" And he that stealeth a man,

and selleth him, or if he be found in his hand, he shall surely be put to death."

Deut. 24: 7" If a man be found stealing any of his brethren—and maketh merchandise of him, or selleth him, then, that thief shall die."

Isaiah 58: 6-" Is not this the fast that I have chosen? to loose the bands of wickedness, to undo the heavy burdens, and to let the oppressed go free, and that ye break every yoke?"

* United States Constitution-Article IV. Sec

tion 4,

supposing that the last act commenced its opera-
tion on the day of its enactment. The late pro-
cession on the 5th instant, was for the purpose of
celebrating the 5th day of July, 1827, because
population of New York was virtually free."
"from and after the preceding day, the coloured
After the procession had gone through the prin-
cipal streets, an Address was delivered to its mem-
bers, in one of our churches, after which they all
sat down to a dinner. The whole proceeding,
except the oratorical part, was conducted by them-
selves, and but for the indecision which generally
accompanies first attempts, an orator might easily
have been selected from their own number.
order, and it is highly credible to the spirit of our
whole affair, however, was conducted with great
march through the streets. Even the boys behaved
city, that they were not molested, during their
well, for no insulting clamour, not even a loud
taunt, was made as they passed by.

The

S. Y. A.

shall be unto thee. Virtue is more thy business Do the good that thou knowest, and happiness

here than wisdom.

* Stroud's sketch of the laws relating to slavery &c. page 138.

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