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took occasion to allude to Mr. Webster. He observed, if I remember right, that he had made a particular study of his political character, and should be glad of an opportunity to show up its consistency to the House. This was not a new topic, Sir, with the gentleman from Gloucester. I had the pleasure of meeting him upon it last winter. But though he has repeated his remarks, I do not intend to repeat mine. The political character of Mr. Webster needs no defence. It is safe in the custody, not of his own Massachusetts constituents merely, but of the whole American people, whose faithful soldier and servant he has so long been. It is safe, I might better say, in its own invincible greatness, in its own invulnerable strength. But there is one part of that character, which, however the gentleman from Gloucester may have studied, he certainly has not yet learned. I mean that magnanimity of which an interesting anecdote has recently been related in the papers of the day.

It appears that during the late great speech of Mr. Webster, in the Senate of the United States, on the very subject we are now considering, just as he was about to bear down on Mr. Buchanan of Pennsylvania, it was suggested to him that that gentleman's hands were tied by certain instructions which he had received from his State Legislature; and what was our Senator's reply? “I will not say another word about him— I will not even look in that direction.” — The gentleman from Glouces

” ter, on the contrary, having been goaded and stung to the quick by the unpalatable truths which had been told, in a previous debate, of the administration which he supports, and having considered it inexpedient to reply during that debate, and having nursed his wrath to keep it warm until these Sub-Treasury resolutions should come up for discussion, had no sooner gained audience upon them, than he vented the whole amount and accumulation of his ire, the whole principal and interest of his indignation — upon whom, Sir? Upon any one who had assaulted, or insulted, or in any way injured him? Upon any one even, who was in a position to defend himself when attacked ? No, Sir, no, but partly on the distinguished Senator to whom I have already alluded — five hundred miles distant from him in person, and infinitely farther removed in character from the utmost reach of any shafts which he could throw – and partly upon one who, though personally present, and compelled to submit to whatever words or looks it might please the gentleman to throw at him, was entirely prevented, by his official position, from resisting, resenting, or in any way noticing them.

Sir, I will confess that on the occasion to which I allude, I felt in no small degree complimented at being coupled with the great Massachusetts statesman in the censure of the gentleman from Gloucester. But this was by no means the only occasion on which I have been subjected to his attacks, and heretofore I have had no such good company to console me, while my hands have been equally tied behind me. The gentleman best knows his own motives and purposes, but it cannot have escaped observation, that from the beginning of the session to this hour, he has omitted no opportunity which has occurred, or which could be created, to cast censure and contumely upon the Chair. For the first time, Sir, I am now in a condition to retort. But let me assure the House that I do not intend to avail myself of my position for any such purpose. Certainly, Sir, I have not risen with any such intent, and I hope to sit down without having been betrayed into any such act. Placed by the indulgence of the House in a station where it is my duty to check personality and enforce decorum in others, I will not voluntarily exhibit a violation of order in my own person. I will not be provoked into a personal altercation with the gentleman from Gloucester. He has brandished his lance, and shaken his red flag, and played the Matadore in vain. His taunts and provocations I give to the wind. To his arguments, if he has uttered any, and I should chance to meet them along my track, I will pay the respect of a passing notice. And now, Sir, to the subject.

It is one, I need hardly say, of no small compass or comprehension. It calls upon us to look both before and after. The measure to which these resolutions relate, is at once a goal and a starting point in national affairs. It is the end of one series of experiments, and it is the beginning of another. And in order to understand its real nature, we ought to look to what

is past, as well as to what is to come. We ought to see clearly of what it is the consummation, and of what it is the commencenient.

When our honored fellow-citizen, Mr. John Quincy Adams, was supplanted in the Presidential chair, some nine years ago, by General Jackson, the currency of the United States was not surpassed in convenience, uniformity, or soundness, by that of any other country on the face of the globe. It enjoyed unbounded confidence. It afforded universal satisfaction. From no quarter of the Union, from neither political party, was there a breath breathed against it. The party by whom the change of administration was effected, had not been slow in hunting up all manner of imaginary grievances which they might promise and pledge themselves to hunt down. They complained of the extravagance of Mr. Adams, and they have shown the justice of that complaint by doubling, and in some years trebling, the annual amount of the national expenses. They complained of political corruption, and they have since given us plainly to perceive what they understood by political purity. They pledged themselves to " a thorough and searching reform," and the thousands of political adversaries who have been punished, and the tens of thousands of political friends who have been rewarded, through the medium of the appointing power, have clearly manifested what that thorough and searching reform was intended to be. But of the currency of the country they made no complaint. For that they promised nothing. And most fortunate would it have been, if with regard to it they had performed nothing.

But not such was their wisdom. Not such our fate. For the first year or two, however, every thing went on well and quietly in this respect. Indeed, it will be found that in more than one of their early Executive messages, not a few phrases of compliment and eulogy were rounded on the goodness of the circulating medium, and on the services of its great regulator, the Bank of the United States. Particular praise was bestowed on the Bank for its disinterested efforts in enabling the Government to complete the payment of the national debt. But in a moment, and without a note of warning, a change came over the spirit of from him in person, and infinitely farther removed in character from the utmost reach of any shafts which he could throw and partly upon one who, though personally present, and compelled to submit to whatever words or looks it might please the gentleman to throw at him, was entirely prevented, by his official position, from resisting, resenting, or in any way noticing them.

Sir, I will confess that on the occasion to which I allude, I felt in no small degree complimented at being coupled with the great Massachusetts statesman in the censure of the gentleman from Gloucester. But this was by no means the only occasion on which I have been subjected to his attacks, and heretofore I have had no such good company to console me, while my hands have been equally tied behind me. The gentleman best knows his own motives and purposes, but it cannot have escaped observation, that from the beginning of the session to this hour, he has omitted no opportunity which has occurred, or which could be created, to cast censure and contumely upon the Chair. For the first time, Sir, I am now in a condition to retort. But let me assure the House that I do not intend to avail myself of my position for any such purpose. Certainly, Sir, I have not risen with any such intent, and I hope to sit down without having been betrayed into any such act. Placed by the indulgence of the House in a station where it is my duty to check personality and enforce decorum in others, I will not voluntarily exhibit a violation of order in my own person. I will not be provoked into a personal altercation with the gentleman from Gloucester. He has brandished his lance, and shaken his red flag, and played the Matadore in vain. His taunts and provocations I give to the wind.

To his arguments, if he has uttered any, and I should chance to meet them along my track, I will pay the respect of a passing notice. And now, Sir, to the subject.

It is one, I need hardly say, of no small compass or comprehension. It calls upon us to look both before and after. The measure to which these resolutions relate, is at once a goal and a starting point in national affairs. It is the end of one series of experiments, and it is the beginning of another. And in order to understand its real nature, we ought to look to what

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is past, as well as to what is to come. We ought to see clearly of what it is the consummation, and of what it is the commencement.

When our honored fellow-citizen, Mr. John Quincy Adams, was supplanted in the Presidential chair, some nine years ago, by General Jackson, the currency of the United States was not surpassed in convenience, uniformity, or soundness, by that of any other country on the face of the globe. It enjoyed unbounded confidence. It afforded universal satisfaction. From no quarter of the Union, from neither political party, was there a breath breathed against it. The party by whom the change of administration was effected, had not been slow in hunting up all manner of imaginary grievances which they might promise and pledge themselves to hunt down. They complained of the extravagance of Mr. Adams, and they have shown the justice of that complaint by doubling, and in some years trebling, the annual amount of the national expenses. They complained of political corruption, and they have since given us plainly to perceive what they understood by political purity. They pledged themselves to “ a thorough and searching reform," and the thou

a sands of political adversaries who have been punished, and the tens of thousands of political friends who have been rewarded, through the medium of the appointing power, have clearly manifested what that thorough and searching reformn was intended to be. But of the currency of the country they made no complaint. For that they promised nothing. And most fortunate would it have been, if with regard to it they had performed nothing

But not such was their wisdom. Not such our fate. For the first year or two, however, every thing went on well and quietly in this respect. Indeed, it will be found that in more than one of their early Executive messages, not a few phrases of compliment and eulogy were rounded on the goodness of the circulating medium, and on the services of its great regulator, the Bank of the United States. Particular praise was bestowed on the Bank for its disinterested efforts in enabling the Government to complete the payment of the national debt. But in a moment, and without a note of warning, a change came over the spirit of

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