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blow together, but the strongest either quite overthrows or turns into its current the weakest.

15. Winds are engendered every where, from the very superficies of the earth, up into the middle region of the air, the more frequent below, but the stronger above.

16. The countries which have retaining or trade winds, if they be warm, have them warmer that according to the measure of their climate; if they be cold, they have them colder.

A Human Map, or Optatives, with such things as are next to them concerning Winds.


1. To frame and dispose sails of ships in such a manner, that with less wind they might go a greater journey; a thing very useful to shorten journeys by sea and save charges.

Next. The next invention precisely in practice I have not as yet found; yet concerning that, look upon our greater observations upon the six and twentieth article.

2. Optative. That we could make windmills, and their sails in such manner that they may grind more with less wind. A thing very useful for gain.

Next. Look concerning this upon our experiments in the answer to the seven and twentieth article, where the thing seems to be, as it were, done.

Optative. To foreknow when winds will rise and allay. A thing useful for navigation and for husbandry, especially for the choosing of times for sea-fights.

Next. To this belong many of those things which are observed in the inquisition, and especially in the answer to the two and thirtieth article. But a more careful observation hereafter (if any shall apply their mind to it) will give far more exact prognostics, the cause of the winds being already laid open.

4. Optative. To give judgment, and make prognostics by winds, of other things, as first, whether they be continents or islands in the sea in any place, or rather a free open sea; a thing very useful for new and unknown voyages.

Next. The next is the observation concerning constant and trade winds; that which Columbus seemed to make use of.

5. Optative. Likewise of the plenty or scarcity of corn every year. A thing useful for gain, and buying beforehand, and forestalling, as it is reported of Thales, concerning monopoly of olives.

Next. To this belong some things specified in the inquisition of winds, either hurtful or shaking winds, and the times when they do hurt; to the nine and twentieth article.

6. Optative. Likewise concerning diseases and plagues every year. A thing useful for the credit of physicians, if they can foretell them, also for the causes and cures of diseases, and some other civil considerations.

Next. To this likewise belong some things set down in the inquisition to the thirtieth article.

Monition. Of predictions by wind concerning corn, fruits, and diseases, look upon histories of husbandry and physick.

7. Optative. How to raise winds and to allay them. Next. Concerning these things there are some superstitious opinions, which do not seem worthy to be inserted into a serious and severe natural history. Nor can I think of any thing that is near in this kind. The design may be this, to look thoroughly into and inquire about the nature of the air; whether any thing may be found, whereof a small quantity put into air may raise and multiply the motion to dilatation, or contraction in the body of the air. For out of this (if it might be done) would follow the raisings and allayings of winds. Such as that experiment of Pliny is concerning vinegar thrown against the whirlwinds, if it were true. Another design might be, by letting forth of winds out of subterraneal places; if so be they should gather together any where in great abundance, as it is a common and approved opinion of the well in Dalmatia; but to know such places of prisons, is very hard and difficult.

8. Optative. To work many fine, pleasant, and wonderful conceits by the motion of winds.

Next. We have not leisure to enter into consideration touching these things. Next to it is that common_report of the duels of winds. Questionless many such pleasant things might very well be found out, both for motions and sounds of winds.





It is no marvel if nature be indebted to philosophy and the sciences, seeing it was never yet called upon to give an account, for there never was any diligent and dispensatory inquisition made of the quantity of the matter, and how that had been distributed into bodies (in some copiously, in others sparingly) according to the true, or at least truest accounts that hath been truly received and approved of, that nothing is taken away and lost, or added unto the universal sum. Likewise that place hath been treated upon by some, namely, how it can be loosened or contracted without intermixion or vacuity, according to more or less: but the natures of density and rarity some have referred to the abundance or scarcity of the matter; another hath laughed at the same; the greatest part, following their author, do discuss and compose the whole matter by that cold and weak distinction of act and power. Those also who attribute them to the reasons of matter (which is the true opinion) do neither quite deprive the materia prima, or primary matter of its quantum, or quantity, though for other forms they will have it equal, but here do terminate and end the matter, and seek no further, nor do not perceive what followeth thereby; and either do not touch at all, or at least do not urge home that which hath a regard to infinites, and is as it were the basis and ground of natural philosophy.

First, therefore, that which is rightly set down must not be moved nor altered; namely, that there is no transaction made in any transmutation of bodies, either from nothing, or to nothing; but that they are works of the same omnipotence, to create out of nothing, and to reduce unto no

thing, and that by course of nature this can never be done. Therefore the sum of the total matter stands still whole, nothing is added, nothing is diminished; yet that this sum is divided by portions amongst the bodies is unquestionable, for there can no man be so much beside himself through any subtile abstractions, as to think that there is as much matter in one vessel of water as in ten vessels of water, nor likewise in one vessel of air as much as in ten vessels of air; but in the same body there is no question but that the abundance of matter is multiplied according to the measure of the body, in divers bodies it is questionable. And if it be demonstrated that one vessel of water turned into air will yield ten vessels of air (for we take this computation for a received opinion, though that of a hundred fold be the truer), it is well; for now they are no more divers bodies, water and air, but the same body of air in ten vessels; but one vessel of air (as it was but now granted) is but only the tenth part of ten vessels. Therefore it cannot be contradicted but that in one vessel of water there is ten times more matter than in one vessel of air: therefore if one should affirm, that one whole vessel of water could be converted into one vessel of air, it were as much as if one should affirm that something could be reduced to nothing; forasmuch as one tenth part of water would suffice to do it, and the other nine parts must of necessity be reduced to nothing; and contrariwise, if one should affirm that one vessel of air could be turned into a vessel of water, it would be as much as if he should say, that something could be created out of nothing; for one vessel of air can attain and reach but unto the tenth part of a vessel of water, and the other nine parts must needs proceed from nothing. In the mean time we will plainly acknowledge and confess, that to understand the true means of the reasons and calculations of the how much part of the quantum, or how much of the matter which is in divers bodies, and by what industry and sagacity one may be truly informed thereof, is a high matter to be inquired; but such as the great and largely extended profit which will accrue thereby will largely recompense. For to know the densities and rarities of the body, and much more, how to procure and effect the condensations and rarefactions, is of great importance and moment both to contemplative and to the practic. Seeing, then, it is a thing (if any there be at all) merely fundamental and universal, we must go carefully and prepared about it, seeing that all philosophy without it is loose and disjointed.




THE motion of gravity and lightness the ancients did illustrate with the name of natural motion; for they saw no external efficient, nor no apparent resistance; yea, the motion seemed swifter in its progress. This contemplation, or rather speech, they seasoned with that mathematical phantasy of the staying or stopping of heavy things at the centre of the earth (although the earth should be bored quite thorow), and that scholastical invention of the motion of bodies to their several places. Having laid or set down these things, supposing they had done their parts, they looked no further, but only that which some of them more carefully inquired after, namely, of the centre of gravity in divers figures, and of such things as are carried by water. Neither did any of the modern authors do any thing worth speaking of concerning this, only by adding some few mechanical things which they had also wrested with their demonstrations; but laying many words aside, it is most certain that a body cannot suffer but by a body; neither can there be any local motion made, unless it be solicited or set forward, either by the parts of the body itself which is moved, or by the adjacent bodies, which either touch it or are near unto it, or are at least within the orb of its activity. So that Gilbertus did not unknowingly introduce magnetic powers, he also becoming a loadstone, namely, drawing more things by those powers than he should have done, and building a ship as it were of a round piece of wood.



STRIFE and amity in nature are the eggers on of motions, and the keys of works. Hence proceeds the union and dissension of bodies; hence the mixion and separation of bodies; hence the high and intimate impressions of virtues, and that which they call joining of actives with passives:

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