completeness of views, a judgment bearing upon causes and effects. James de Vitry affords an example of a different kind of development; he is a scholar who not only concerus himself with what has reference to the Crusades, but also occupies himself with manners, geography, ethnography, natural history; who observes and describes the country. In a word, between the chroniclers of the first Crusades and the historians of the last there is an immense interval, which indicates a veritable revolution in mind." effect produced, was the general extension of a rare political understanding of events, knowledge. Between the moral and intellectual condition of the people of the eleventh and that of the thirteenth century there is a wide interval. "Compare," says Guizot, "the contemporaneous chroniclers of the first Crusades with those of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries; for instance, Albert d'Aix, Robert the Monk, and Raymond d'Agiles, who took part in the first Crusade, with William of Tyre and James de Vitry. When we compare these two classes of writers, it is impossible not to be struck with the distance which separates them. The first are animated chroniclers, full of vivid imagination, who recount the events of the Crusade with passion. But they are, at the same time, men of very narrow minds, without an idea beyond the time in which they have lived-strangers to all science, full of pre-pressor and letting the oppressed go free; in judice, and incapable of forming any judgment whatever upon what passes around them, or upon the events which they relate. Open, on the contrary, the "History of the Crusades" by William of Tyre; you will be surprised to find almost an historian of modern times a mind developed, extensive, and free If, then, the advocate for the beneficial influence of the Crusades be asked in which of their numerous effects he discovers that influence, his answer is ready:-"In promoting commerce and intercourse between nations; in bursting the bands of the op sowing the seeds of the glorious reformation NEGATIVE ARTICLE.-III. If the human mind be susceptible of im- | sufficient to substantiate the view taken by provement under circumstances disadvantageous to its own welfare-if it be possible that any benefit can accrue to those who, being unfortunately the victims of superstition and idolatry, are buffeted with the scorn and derision of beings who profess to be the disciples of a religion which teaches us "to love our enemies," and "to do good to them that hate us"-or if the surest and simplest means of achieving a benevolent and praiseworthy object be to appeal to the malevolence and prejudice of those with whom we have to deal, to offer violence to their bodies, to set at nought the precepts of that faith which they profess, and openly, whilst giving assurance to the world of their good intentions, to negative them by our acts then the advocates of the holy war have good reason to congratulate themselves on the position assumed by C. W., Jun., in the September number of this journal. But the proofs which he adduces to establish the truth of his argument by no means answer the desired end. If the extracts quoted are him, then there is, at once, an end to the ductive of much good or evil, we can readily arrive at something like truth by making ourselves acquainted with the question in all its bearings, and drawing conclusions from the tout ensemble, without attributing cre-bered, too, that the Crusaders were, or prodence to gratuitous assumptions, which are fessed to be, Christians; and further-and only mere assertions in themselves, without this seems anomalous, and the more irreconaffording the reader any clue by which he cilable with the very doctrine which they may seek to form his own opinion, inde- acknowledged all this was perpetrated pendently of the views of any author. If we against the infidels, a race whom we should examine the principal elements which were have supposed they would have endeavoured at work in the holy wars-the motives which to reclaim, if not by their religion, certainly impelled the Crusaders to action-the pro- by humane and conciliatory conduct-by fessions which they made, and how they were examples of meekness and kindness of spirit, carried out; and if we ascertain in what de- by benevolence and gentleness of temper and gree of prosperity Europe stood both before intention. and after the wars, not forgetting to see if the feudal power was broken, whether the barons maintained inviolate their domineering tyranny over the serfs, and also whether the clergy were benefited or not by the Crusades-it cannot but be that we shall be able to form our own opinion on the result of the Crusades. set before the reader, they afford a melancholy exemplification of cruelty, treachery, robbery, and an utter disregard of the sacred character of human life. Let it be remem Of all wars, religious feuds are most to be lamented and deplored; and this applies with double force in the present instance. A people professing Christianity, acknowledging one Saviour as their head, and his injunctions as their rule or standard by which to measure their conduct, formed themselves into one mass for the purpose of recovering, per force, the scene of our Lord's sufferings, & in order that they might go thence and do him homage, forgetful that he was "risen and was not there," and that a grateful heart maketh every place a Jerusalem, where God may as well and as acceptably be worshipped. Without prejudging the question, the narration of these wars, which devastated Europe for two centuries, destroyed the lives of upwards of two millions of human beings, besides involving the destruction of an immense amount of property, other than that of military paraphernalia, &c., the generation of those evils which are attendant upon all wars (and this, being a religious one, only aggravated the evil, for then the worst feelings of our nature are aroused and brought into play), besides the hindrances and impediments which were created, and which would necessarily retard the progress, not enly of civilization, but of commerce and the education of the people; when, I say, all these disastrous and fiend-like calamities are But it will be seen by those best acquainted with those portions of England's history that the fraud, cruelty, and treachery which were practised towards the heathen (besides the divisions and dissensions which frequently took place between the Christians) only served to open the eyes of the infidels to the real intentions of the former, to see them in their true colours, to discern their hypocrisy, to increase the animosity and hatred which already existed, to widen the breach between them, rendering further intercourse the more improbable, and extended concessions impossible. Granted, for argument's sake, that their real intentions were pure-how miserably carried out! and if not pure, how could good result? "By their fruits ye shall know them. A good tree cannot bring forth evil fruit, nor can a corrupt tree bring forth good fruit." Yet, forsooth, according to the argument of C. W., Jun., this emphatic declaration was falsified, and the order of nature "inverted.” But enough of prelude. Now to an examination of the question by historic testimony. We will first institute an inquiry into the question, whether the infidels were endangering the safety of Europe? Mill informs us that "no dangers hung over Christendom at the time when the Crusades commenced. But, as they (the Christians) had acquiesced for ages in the existence of Islamism, they could not afterwards draw the sword, except for the purpose of preventing or repelling new aggression." The conduct of the Christians, and their general character, is thus described by Fuller:-"These Hospitallers afterwards getting wealth, unloosed themselves from the strict a great sum of MONEY to defray their charges, and many other good conditions; so that we may much wonder at his profuseness, and more at the Christians' indiscretion in their refusal."-"Next unto superstition, which was deeply inlaid in the holy war, we may make the Christians' peace breaking with the infidels the second cause of their ill success. When Godfrey first won Jerusalem, pardon was proclaimed to all the Turks who yielded themselves; yet, three days afterwards, in cold blood, they were all, without difference of age or sex, put to the sword." people, and bless this project, so blackly blasted with perjury?" Referring to the Christians falling out amongst themselves, he says:-"But these civil wars amongst themselves were dangerous, and destructive to religion." Keighley (who views the wars favourably) says:-"It is not our desire to exalt the Mahometans at the expense of the Christians; but these facts, all of which are related by the people themselves, testify strongly for the degeneracy of the latter, and for the benefit which the fall of their power was to the Holy Land, over which they were no longer worthy to hold dominion." ness of their first institution, and grew loose | into all licentiousness. The Templars, to whom the king promised the spoil if they took it, entered through this breach into the city: they set a guard at the breach, that no more of their fellow-Christians should come in to be sharers with them in the booty.""But the most remarkable church matter in this king's reign was the clandestine christening of a sultan of Iconium. And more of his courtiers might have followed him, but that his ambassadors, being at Rome, were offended with the viciousness of the Christians' lives, which made them to exclaim, 'How can fresh" And how could safety itself save this and salt water flow from the same fountain?' This hath made many pagans step back which had one foot in our church, when they saw Christians believe so well and live so ill, breaking the commandments against the creed. King Almeric having looked on the beauty of the kingdom of Egypt, longed for it; and now no longer to drive out the relics of the Turks, but to get Egypt to himself; and the next year, against the solemn league with the caliph, invaded it with a great army. He falsely pretended that the caliph would make a private peace with Noradin, king of the Turks, and hence created his quarrel. An oath being the highest appeal, perjury must needs be a heinous sin, whereby God is solemnly invited to be a witness of his own dishonour. I know what is pleaded for King Almeric, viz., that Christians are not bound to keep faith with idolaters. But open so wide a window, and it will be in vain to shut any doors. All contracts with the pagans may easily be voided if this evasion be allowed. And God, to acquit himself, knowing the Christians' prosperity could not stand with his justice The "Encyclopædia Londinensis" says:after their perjury, frowned upon them." "The Christians neither could agree while "Yea, never could the christian religion marching together in armies with a view to be shown to pagans to more disadvan-conquest, nor could they unite their conquests tage. Grecians and Latins were at deadly under one government after they had made feud. Many among the Latins, Guelfs and them. They were continually making wor Ghibellines sought to ruin each other. Hu- upon one another." mility was preached, and pride practised; they persuaded others to labour for heaven, and fell about earth themselves; their lives were contrary to their doctrines, and their doctrines one to another."-" Meladin, much troubled with this loss, to purchase peace, offered the Christians all Jerusalem, in as ample a manner as ever formerly they had enjoyed it-all prisoners to be released, with Mill says:-"None of the principles which originally caused the Crusades influenced the actions of either." At the siege of Acre, as well as at the old siege of Antioch, the morals of the holy warriors were as depraved as their condition was miserable. The Crusaders were seemingly devout, but in reality were dissolute; and compromised for personal excesses by pharisaical scrupulosity and uncharitableness. Their cruelty in war is equally as revolting as their hypocritical show of devotion to piety. The last-named writer says:-" The horrid cruelties they committed were such as must have inspired the Turks with the most invincible hatred of them, and made them resist with the greater obstinacy. When Jerusalem was taken, not only were the nnmerous garrison put to the sword, but the inhabitants were massacred without mercy or distinction. No age nor sex was spared, nor even sucking children. According to Voltaire, some Christians who had been suffered by the Turks to live in that city, led the conquerors into the most private caves, where women had concealed themselves with their children, and not one of them escaped. What eminently shows the enthusiasm by which these conquerors were animated, is their behaviour after this terrible slaughter. They marched over heaps of dead bodies towards the holy sepulchre; and while their hands were yet polluted with the blood of so many innocent persons, they sung anthems to the common Saviour of mankind!!!" holy wars, and he gave a dreadful earnest of that savage implacability which Scotland afterwards so often rued. The barbarities which stained the entry of the Christians into Jerusalem two centuries before were repeated, in a smaller theatre of cruelty, in Nazareth." Again:-" The conquest of the seat of the Grecian empire was achieved, and the triumphant barbarians had the choice of mercy or revenge; but the ferocity to which they were indebted for success was not easily extinguished, and they abandoned themselves to the usual vices of conquerors. The scenes of female violation need not be described. The palaces of the rich, and the meanest houses of the poor, were explored for plunder by the cruel diligence of the victors. Their sacrilegious hands tore away the ornaments of churches, the coffins of the emperors were broken open, and the mouldered imperial vestments were stripped from the corpse of Justinian. Their destruction of the rich and beautiful church of Sophia would pass as an ordinary circumstance in the history of sieges; but the annals of profanation have seldom presented us with an instance of a vulgar herself in the chair of the patriarch, and singing a bacchanalian song to the corresponding actions of the surrounding soldiers and mob. The Marquis of Montferrat and the French and Venetian ecclesiastics prayed and threatened their companions; but the voice Lingard says: "The next was the last day fixed by the treaty. The hostages were led to the summit of a hill, in sight of the Saracen camp. The Crusaders assembled in crowds to witness so glorious a spectacle, and at a given signal 2,700 infidels fell under the swords of their butchers. At the same time, an almost equal number, the portion which had fallen to the lot of the king of France, was massacred under the walls of Acre, by the troops under the Duke of Bur-courtezan, the priestess of the furies, seating gundy. Out of 5,000 captives, only seven emirs were saved, for the sake of exchange or ransom. Nor was this the end of the tragedy. The dead bodies were abandoned to the insults of the soldiers, who cut them open to discover the precious stones which it was believed they had swallowed, and care-of reason and religion could not abate the fully preserved the gall for medicinal purposes!" This is corroborated by Fuller:"Yea, in his anger Richard commanded all the Turkish captives, 7,000 in number, to be put to death (except some choice persons) on that day whereon the articles should have been, but were not, performed; for which fact be suffered much in his repute, branded with rashness and cruelty, as the murderer of many Christians, for Saladin, in retenge, put as many of our captives to death. It is gratifying to observe that there were On the other hand, the moderation of the in these barbarous days those who foresaw French king was much commended, who, that the Crusades would be demoralizing, reserving his prisoners alive, exchanged them destructive to life and property, prejudicial to ransom so many Christians." Keighley to good manners, and repugnant alike to confirms the same, and adds, "Thus, with religion and common honesty. Mill says:a massacre which covered the king of Eng-"Though pilgrimages were generally conland and the Christians in general with dis-sidered acts of virtue, yet some of the leaders grace, terminated the siege of Acre." Mill of the church accounted them useless and says, respecting Edward,-"But he was not criminal. Gregory, bishop of Nice in the less cruel than any preceding hero of the fourth century, dissuades his flocks from : storm of the passions. Nothing was so difficult as to soften the ferocity of these barbarians and to gain their affections. They were so irritable that a single word would kindle the flame: it was folly to attempt either to lead them or to make them hear reason." These examples might be multiplied, but enough has been said on this part of the question. ing qualities, we must concede that they had in them a sufficient alloy of evil to neutralize much of their good." Whether the writer be really sincere in adding that "it is not just to deprive them of all redeeming qualities"-whether it proceed from a deep conviction, evoked by a study of the wars only, or whether he says it out of compli ment, I cannot determine; but certainly the latter appears to me to be the probable motive. these journeys. They were not conscientious it is not just to deprive them of all redeemobligations,' he said; for in the description of persons whom Christ had promised to acknowledge in the next world, the name of pilgrim could not be found.' A migratory life was dangerous to virtue, particularly to the modesty of women. Horror at spectacles of vice would diminish with familiarity, and the moral principle would gradually be diminished. Malice, idolatry, poisoning, and bloodshed, disgraced Jerusalem itself; and so dreadfully polluted was the city, that if any man wished to have a more than ordinary spiritual communication with Christ, he had better quit his earthly tabernacle at once, than endeavour to enjoy it in places originally sacred, but which had since been defiled. Some years after the time of Gregory a similar description of the depravity of Jerusalem was given by St. Jerome, and the Latin father commends a monk, who, though a resident in Palestine, had but on one occasion travelled in the city. The opinions of these two venerable spiritual guides could not stem the torrent of popular religion. The coffers of the church were enriched by the sale of the relics, and the dominion of the clergy became powerful in proportion to the growth of religious abuses and corruption." The general results of the Crusades are thus summed up by the authors already quoted; but, as I observed before, I give the principal features of the wars, and it will be for my readers to draw their own conclusions, and to determine in their own minds whether good or evil resulted from them. At the same time, the finale of the authors following is entitled to grave consideration, inasmuch as the reasoning is consistent and concordant with the facts of the case. Fuller, who is favourably disposed towards the war, says, "The French proverb was verified of this voyage, 'Much bruit and little fruit.' They (the Christians) not only did no good in the Holy Land, but they did much harm. Thus, after one hundred and ninety-four years, ended the war, for continuance the longest, for money spent the costliest, for bloodshed the cruellest, for pretences the most pious, for the true intent the most politic, the world ever saw." Of the latter phrase let my readers judge. Another writer (Keighley), alike favourable, says: "Though the Crusades certainly did not produce all the good imputed to them, they may have produced some; and though Lingard says:-"The only benefits which the nation received in exchange for the immense sums with which it had furnished the king (Richard) in his expedition to Palestine, for his ransom from captivity, and in support of his wars in France, were two legislative charters, one establishing uniformity of weights throughout the land, the other relating to wrecks, which provided that the cargoes of a ship were recoverable if the sons or daughters of the owner, or, in default, their brothers and sisters, existed, in preference to the crown." The results of the holy war, as regards the power of the feudal barons, the spiritual anthority of the clergy, the progress of "civilization and moral well-being," and the general effects on the times which followed, are thus eloquently and cogently summed up by Mill:-"The origin and history of the fanatical and military enterprises, called the Crusades, have been traced. No religious wars have ever been so long, so sanguinary, and so destructive. Countless hosts of holy warriors fell the victims of their own vindictive enthusiasm and military ardour. Fierceness and intolerance were the strongest features in the character of the dark ages. It was not for the conversion of people, er the propagation of opinions, but for the redemption of the sepulchre of Christ, and the destruction of the enemies of God, that the crimson standard was unfurled. Men did not arm themselves from any conviction. that the co-existence of Christendom and Islamism was incompatible with the doctrines of the Koran, or that the countries et the West would be precipitated into the gu of destruction if Asia Minor were not tort from the hands of the Turks and restored to the emperor of Constantinople. The floodgates C. W., Jun., that it was "the emancipation of the *How does this accord with the assertion of human mind?" |